Even as some worry that Trump will defy the Constitution and run for a third term, I’ve come to doubt that he can finish his second.Noah believes that a deus ex machina will spare us a full Trump second term, but it's a different deus ex machina from the one James Carville is counting on. Carville began arguing a while ago that Trump's poll numbers and standing within the Republican Party will decline so rapidly after the midterms that he'll make the rational decision to quit the presidency sometime early in 2017. (I strongly disagree, as I explained here last month.) Noah's deus ex machina is Trump's brain will finally turn to complete mush, an event pundits have been predicting since 2017 or so. It still hasn't happened.
But I don't want to argue again about Trump's mental fitness. The flaw in Noah's argument is his assumption that there will soon be common consent across the political spectrum that we've reached a crisis with Trump. Noah writes:
How long can this go on? Last week Thomas B. Edsall wrote in The New York Times that “no action to remove Trump from the White House will happen until he does something so threatening and damaging that drumming him out of the White House becomes an inescapable necessity.” But does anybody honestly think that day is far off?Yes, I honestly think that day is far off. If "inescapable necessity" means "a course of action so necessary that even Republicans acknowledge the necessity," then I doubt that day will ever arrive.
Noah writes:
According to a Washington Post/Ipsos poll, belief that Trump already lacks the mental sharpness necessary to be president has risen from 43 percent in May 2023 to 59 percent in April 2026.Is that evidence that the entire country thinks it's time for Trump to go? Only 24% of respondents in a July 2024 Pew poll believed that President Joe Biden was either "very" (4%) or "fairly" (20%) "mentally sharp"; earlier, in February 2024, 76% of respondents in an NBC News poll expressed concern about the possibility of "Joe Biden not having the necessary mental and physical health to be president for a second term." Yet there was no sense that removing him from office was "an inescapable necessity."
And in that Post poll, 87% of Republican respondents insisted that Trump does, in fact, have enough mental sharpness to serve as president.
Noah continues:
Trump’s approval rating has been sloping downward since his second inauguration; the decline has been gradual, but consistent, with approval falling from 48 percent to 36 percent. The all-time lowest presidential approval rating in history, according to Gallup, was President Harry Truman’s 23 percent in late 1951 and early 1952. Trump’s approval rating is on track to beat Truman’s humiliating record....But Truman finished his term, as did George W. Bush, whose approval rating fell below 30% in thirteen Gallup polls between April and December 2008. (He'd first fallen below 30% in a poll released in July 2007.) If by now Trump's numbers still haven't sunk below the mid- to high 30s, much less into the 20s, it's quite possible that he commands so much cult loyalty that even a dwindling MAGA fan base will keep his numbers well above Bush's or Truman's lows.
There is a point at which Trump’s approval number will fall so low, and make Trump such a liability to fellow Republican officeholders, that they’ll move to get rid of him. I don’t know what that number is, but I expect he’ll reach it during the first half of 2027.
What would Trump have to do to make his removal "an inescapable necessity"? Noah suggests that a repeat of Trump's behavior after the 2020 election might do it.
If the midterms are as catastrophic for Republicans as political professionals expect, Trump’s political sway over his party will weaken dramatically, along with his ability to do mischief. Everything we know about Trump tells us he will not take that well. He’ll deny the midterm results as he denied the 2020 election, and will probably attempt some chicanery to keep newly-elected Democratic House and Senate members from being seated. I believe he will fail. But whether he succeeds or fails, anything Trump does to further subvert democracy will drive his approval ratings down further, and drive further upward the public’s conviction that he’s lost his marbles.But until January 6, 2021, Trump's post-2020-election "chicanery" didn't "drive his approval ratings down further." Here are Trump's numbers for the last six months of his first term:
Only in January, when there was an actual riot, did Trump suffer a serious polling decline -- and as we now know, that was only temporary, because he'd turned 2020 into a Lost Cause and made himself even more appealing to his base.
The moment when all of America appeared to agree that January 6 was bad didn't last -- a month later, in the Senate trial after Trump's second impeachment, only seven out of fifty Republicans voted to convict Trump. Noah predicts another impeachment, and says that "this time I think the necessary 67 Senate votes will be gettable," but there's no reason to believe that.
Impeachment still might be a useful exercise if it leads to a trial that puts Trump's crimes and failings on display for voters who haven't kept up with Trump's record -- and if it forces Republicans to run in the future after having cast votes in Trump's defense.
But Republicans generally choose party loyalty, even at the cost of electoral doom. In the 2008 Republican primaries, it seemed reasonable to expect that at least one mainstream candidate might break from Bush on the widely hated Iraq War. But none did -- only Ron Paul, who'd opposed the war on isolationist grounds from the beginning, denounced it as a presidential candidate. The hawkish John McCain won the nomination and then suffered the worst president defeat in this century -- even though he was running against a Black man whose middle name was Hussein! -- but McCain did what he had to do as a Republican, which was to follow Cleek's Law:
Today’s conservatism is the opposite of what liberals want today, updated daily.Democrats hated Bush and the war, so Republicans had to be in favor of both. (It was only after Barack Obama continued the War on Terror in a modified form that Donald Trump could run as a war skeptic.)
Democrats hate Trump now, so Republican voters can't. Republican politicians who want to have ongoing careers can't, at least openly. So no matter how bad things get, they'll die on the Trump hill.









